LOS ANGELES: It was the fall of 1981 and Magic Johnson was not happy. The Los Angeles Lakers had just won five in a row, but Johnson was feeling constrained by the new offense head coach Paul Westhead had installed.
Westhead met with his star point guard over what he called a "lack of concentration," according to a Sports Illustrated report.
It didn't go well.
Because in the locker room after that meeting, Johnson told the media he couldn't play under Westhead's system anymore and wanted to be traded.
John Rockwell, a close friend of Lakers owner Dr Jerry Buss, was dispatched to find a solution that didn't involve trading the conductor of Showtime.
"I go to Jerry and he says, 'Well, that's not a problem at all,'" Rockwell recalled in a recent interview with ESPN.
"He said, 'Just fire the coach.' So, that's what he did. I was really surprised, but Magic was very important to the team."
There is perhaps no greater articulation of the Lakers' unwavering commitment to the star system than the clarity Buss showed in choosing Johnson over Westhead.
There was no hesitation. Westhead was fired the next morning when the team returned to Los Angeles with three years and more than US$1 million remaining on his contract. Pat Riley took over as head coach, and the rest is history.
The rest is history because Johnson performed and won championships. That's the other side of giving stars whatever they want, or think they want, in order to be happy. You better win enough to make all the special consideration worth it.
Kobe Bryant could dictate when and how much he was going to play, practice or pass to his teammates because he would go out and will the team to wins.
And as he aged, Buss' kids rewarded Bryant for the five championships he won the franchise with a two-year, US$48.5 million contract as he was coming off a torn Achilles tendon, just as Buss had rewarded Johnson.
Because of their experience with superstars and everything they bring along with them, there was perhaps no better franchise for LeBron James to play out his golden years than the Lakers.
They knew how to handle superstars. And at this stage in James' career, with three championships, eight consecutive NBA Finals appearances to his name and an equally burgeoning business and political profile off the court, James is a transcendent star.
So the Lakers were prepared to do whatever he needed to be happy.
He didn't want to have a media conference in Los Angeles before he opened his Promise School back in Akron, Ohio. The Lakers said OK.
He talked with Johnson about finding playmakers and guys known for their toughness, which effectively resulted in a roster lacking in shooting and floor spacing. The Lakers went out and got players who fit that description - who were willing to play on one-year deals.
Johnson said the Lakers didn't want to make the team like the Cleveland Cavaliers all over again for James.
But sure enough, James found himself back in a ball-dominant role; though he didn't have the shooters surrounding him to space the floor and open driving lanes to capitalize on his pinpoint passing, like he did in Miami and Cleveland.
Magic was right. It wasn't like Cleveland all over again: Los Angeles is ranked 22nd in offensive efficiency this season with the roster he put together.
But it all could have worked if James hadn't gotten hurt on Christmas Day and missed 18 of the next 19 games. James was just starting to find his footing with this new cast in Los Angeles. The team was starting to get healthy and find enough consistency to develop an identity.
Of course, James did get hurt. And pretty much everything since then has been a disaster.
After Monday's 113-105 loss to the LA Clippers, it seems increasingly likely the Lakers will miss the playoffs for a sixth straight season.
It's a fate James hasn't felt since his second NBA season, and he has expressed nothing but disgust about it every time he has been asked.
A few weeks ago, James turned to the local beat reporters at his locker and tried to explain that they didn't know him well enough to understand that he did not tolerate losing like this.
Then he turned to ESPN's Dave McMenamin, who had covered him during James' last four years in Cleveland, looking for some understanding and said, "Dave knows me."
James was exactly right. The Lakers treated him as they would any of the superstars who have donned the purple and gold; but the organization, its fans and the players didn't know him.
They only knew of what he had done for Cleveland and Miami. He had equity where he'd won championships.
Here in Los Angeles, he just had expectations to deliver on or fall short of.
Had he won here before or wrapped his arms around the city once he arrived, there might be more understanding. But such is the downside of a superstar joining a new franchise at this stage in his career and then effectively failing to launch.
"I haven't been a part of a season with this [amount] of injuries to our key guys," James said. "It's just the way the season has been."
James and the Lakers really never got going before everything fell apart. And once it did, he couldn't do nearly enough to stop it.
It's hard to remember how good the Lakers and James looked before he tore his groin at the Golden State Warriors on Christmas and the wheels fell off. When the season is over and sober evaluations start taking place, perhaps that will factor into the decisions on how to move forward.
But right now, it all feels like a series of missteps and misfortune that everyone shares some blame in.
There was the failed pursuit of Anthony Davis that left half the players on the roster questioning whether James, the Lakers' front office or both still wanted them. That was a self-inflicted blow the team never seemed to recover from.
There were injuries to Rajon Rondo and Lonzo Ball that kept them out for huge chunks of time; nagging injuries to Tyson Chandler, Brandon Ingram, Kyle Kuzma and Josh Hart; and trades for Mike Muscala and Reggie Bullock (long-awaited shooters!) that have yet to pay any real dividends.
The Lakers went 6-12 in the 18 games James missed. Since he has come back, they haven't been much better, and now they have lost nine of their past 12 games. James is still getting back into top shape after the most serious injury of his career, and it has manifested itself especially on the defensive end of the floor.
Through Christmas, the Lakers had a defensive rating of 104.5 when James was on the floor. Since Christmas, the Lakers have a defensive rating of 111.9 when James is on the floor.
Since his return from injury, the Lakers have a defensive rating of 109.6 when James is on the floor in four wins; the Lakers have a defensive rating of 113.1 when James is on the floor in the eight losses.
It might not have been a strictly basketball decision for James to join the Lakers. But basketball is still his core business, and a failure like this doesn't sit well. That's the downside of committing as fully as the Lakers do to a star system.
"We're in a win-or-loss league," James said. "And that's what it's all about. We've had positive. We've had a lot of negative, obviously as far as our play.
But at the end of the day, we're in a result league. Results is how many wins you can accumulate throughout the course of the season, so you take the good with the bad and you just keep pushing forward."
While the failures can't be placed on any one person, James, Johnson and general manager Rob Pelinka will have to answer for a lot of it.
Head coach Luke Walton could lose his job over it. Most of the roster wasn't going to be back next year anyway, given the team's insistence on signing players to only one-year contracts to preserve salary-cap space for a second star this summer.
But you have to assume even larger-scale roster changes will be implemented given the disappointment of this season.
This article first appeared on ESPN.com.
The dispute over Kashmir has caused tension and conflict in the Indian subcontinent since 1947, but there are many sides to it, says historian Chitralekha Zutshi.
VIRGINIA: Tensions between India and Pakistan have diminished in recent days after repeated military clashes in Kashmir led to fear that the two nuclear powers could be on the verge of war.
Kashmir is a disputed territory divided between India and Pakistan but claimed in its entirety by both sides.
The latest Kashmir standoff was triggered by a Feb 14 suicide bombing by Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), a militant group with links to al Qaeda and founded by the Pakistan-based cleric Masood Azhar. More than 40 Indian soldiers died.
India blamed Pakistan for providing moral and material support to the terrorist organisation, which is banned in Pakistan but operates openly there. On Feb 26, India launched air strikes against JeM’s training camps on the Pakistani side of Kashmir.
Pakistan retaliated, claiming to have shot down two Indian fighter jets on Feb 28 Indian sources said that just one Pakistani jet and one Indian jet had been downed, and an Indian pilot taken hostage by Pakistan.
Pakistan has since released the pilot, soothing tempers – for now, at least.
NOT JUST A BILATERAL DISPUTE
The Kashmir issue has caused tension and conflict in the Indian subcontinent since 1947, when independence from Britain created India and Pakistan as two sovereign states.
Jammu and Kashmir – the full name of the princely Himalayan state, then ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh – acceded to India in 1947, seeking military support after tribal raids from Pakistan into the state’s territory.
The two countries have fought three wars over the region since.
The first, which began in 1947, ended with the partition of Jammu and Kashmir between India and Pakistan under a 1949 United Nations-brokered ceasefire. Wars in 1965 and 1999 ended in stalemate.
But Kashmir is not simply a bilateral dispute between India and Pakistan. Kashmir is a multi-ethnic region with several internal sub-regions, whose inhabitants have distinct political goals.
Pakistani Kashmir consists of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, jurisdictions that want to become formal provinces of Pakistan to gain more political autonomy over their internal affairs.
Indian Kashmir includes Jammu, Ladakh and the Kashmir Valley. While the first two regions desire to remain part of India, the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley wants independence from it.
MANY-SIDED CONFLICT
The desire for autonomy in different areas of Kashmir has led to repeated uprisings and independence movements.
The most prominent is a violent insurgency against Indian rule in the Kashmir Valley that began in 1989 and has continued, in ebbs and flows, over the past three decades. Thousands have been killed.
The Kashmir Valley has become a militarised zone, effectively occupied by Indian security forces. According to the United Nations, Indian soldiers have committed numerous human rights violations there, including firing on protesters and denying due process to people arrested.
The UN also cites Pakistan’s role in the violence in Kashmir. Its government supports the movement for Kashmir’s independence from India by providing moral and material support to Kashmiri militants – allegations the Pakistani government refutes. Pakistan also tacitly supports the operations in Kashmir of non-Kashmiri extremist groups like JeM.
As a result, consecutive Indian governments have managed to write off unrest in the Kashmir Valley as a byproduct of its territorial dispute with Pakistan. In doing so, India has avoided addressing the actual political grievances of Indian Kashmiris.
An entire generation of young Kashmiris have been raised during the 30-year insurgency. They are deeply alienated from India, research shows, and view it as an occupying power.
Militant groups in the region tap into this discontent, recruiting young people to use violence in their quest for Kashmir’s freedom. Indeed, the man who under the auspices of JeM blew himself up in the Feb 14 suicide bombing of the Indian military convoy was a young Kashmiri.
ENDING THE CONFLICT
Tensions in Kashmir may have subsided, but the root causes of the violence there have not.
In my assessment, the Kashmir dispute cannot be resolved bilaterally by India and Pakistan alone – even if the two countries were willing to work together to resolve their differences.
This is because the conflict has many sides: India, Pakistan, the five regions of Kashmir and numerous political organisations.
Establishing peace in the region would require both India and Pakistan to reconcile the multiple – and sometimes conflicting – aspirations of the diverse peoples of this region.
Only when local aspirations are recognised, addressed and debated alongside India and Pakistan’s nationalist and strategic goals will a durable solution emerge to one of the world’s longest-running conflicts.
Chitralekha Zutshi is a historian of Modern South Asia and the Indian Ocean World, with particular expertise in the region of Kashmir with a focus on Islam, nationalism, and historical thought and practice. She is a professor of History at the College of William and Mary. A version of this commentary first appeared on The Conversation.
NEW YORK: Like many women, I devoured Lean In, Facebook chief operating officer Sheryl Sandberg’s corporate feminism manifesto, during my toddler’s nap time.
But one statement stopped me cold: “I truly believe that the single most important career decision that a woman makes is whether she will have a life partner and who that partner is.”
When I became accidentally (albeit, at 39, happily) pregnant, I left my dream portfolio management job as a concession to my child’s father, who took a dim view of babysitting while I jetted off to meet (male) chief executives and drink with (male) colleagues.
My personal circumstances are unusual: most women with graduate degrees don’t have “oops babies”. But leaving a job for a man is not. My departure coincided with a wave of female attrition in my division. When I started there were lots of women, but in the space of a few short years most of us left.
Many of us did not leave because of our kids — we left because of their fathers.
THE HUSBAND'S TURN
The “assortative maters” — similar people who marry each other — left because their husbands did well. One, because her husband was appointed to a high-level position in the Obama administration; another, because she had two young children and a senior executive husband with an insane travel schedule.
Others of us left because it was the husband’s “turn” to develop his career. One married into a family that owned a small business, and they relocated back to his roots on becoming parents.
They divorced within a couple of years, leaving her a single parent stranded in a town with reduced career prospects. Similarly, after quitting my job and moving to a small town to accommodate my baby-daddy’s desire to flip fixer-upper houses, I ultimately quit him too.
To sum up: We left because none of us had ended up with the “unicorn” husbands Ms Sandberg lauded in her book — saintly men enough like us to appreciate our ambition, but not threatened by our success.
If these mythical creatures have careers, they are not “trump” careers. In some sense they would be a version of 1960s-era housewives, whose misery was grimly detailed in Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH BOSSES
Our bosses were not present for the tense negotiations over scheduling and travel calendars with the fathers of our children, or for the anxious moments staring at airport displays, or for arriving home to news that the nanny is quitting — and the subsequent fight with our life partner about who doesn’t travel until we find a replacement.
Women may have made tremendous progress in the workforce since The Feminine Mystique, but corporate support for their widely varying families has not kept pace.
Ms Sandberg herself acknowledged this in an essay after her husband’s death:
Some people felt that I did not spend enough time writing about the difficulties women face when they have an unsupportive partner or no partner at all. They were right.
Even my son recognises the zero-sum game too often played by working parents. He claims he is not planning to have kids, with reasoning wise beyond his seven years: “Because I’ll be too busy working in my bakery.”
(He has decided on a career as a baker, perhaps as a defence mechanism against a mother who eschews cooking.)
JOINT CUSTODY
Thanks to 50-50 custody, which blurs lines between “mothers” and “fathers” and renders traditionally gendered behaviours androgynous, my son is no stranger to the career sacrifices parents — mothers and fathers — make.
And his parents are arguably among the luckier ones, professionally; the silver lining of living without one’s child half the time is greater flexibility to work long hours and travel. But joint custody should surely not be a criterion for career success.
Only when companies start to think about how to address the structural impediments to career and family harmony will we be able to lay Lean In’s partner directive to rest.
For the sake of our grandchildren, corporates should address these twin challenges: Two-income households with kids where one income had to shrink, and single-parent homes that cannot accommodate its demands.