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<div><h1>How ISIS Is Rising in the Philippines as It Dwindles in the Middle East</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Soldiers inspecting vehicles last month in Zamboanga, the Philippines, the gateway to the southern islands of Jolo and Basilan, where the nation’s Muslim minority is concentrated and local insurgencies have long battled the state.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/hannah-beech" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Hannah Beech</span></a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/jason-gutierrez" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Jason Gutierrez</span></a></p></div></div>
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<li><time>March 9, 2019</time></li>
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<p>BASILAN, the Philippines — Across the islands of the southern Philippines, the black flag of the Islamic State is flying over what the group considers its East Asia province.</p>
<p>Men in the jungle, two oceans away from the arid birthplace of the Islamic State, are taking the terrorist brand name into new battles.</p>
<p>As worshipers gathered in January for <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/28/world/asia/isis-philippines-church-bombing.html?rref=collection%2Fbyline%2Fhannah-beech&action=click&contentCollection=undefined&region=stream&module=inline&version=latest&contentPlacement=6&pgtype=collection" title="">Sunday Mass at a Catholic cathedral</a>, two bombs ripped through the church compound, killing 23 people. The Islamic State claimed a pair of its suicide bombers had caused the carnage.</p>
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<div><p>An illustration circulated days later on Islamic State chat groups, showing President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines kneeling on a pile of skulls and a militant standing over him with a dagger. The caption on the picture sounded a warning: “The fighting has just begun.”</p></div>
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<p class="g-pstyle5">mindanao I.</p>
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<p class="g-pstyle4">malaysia</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Soldiers securing a post on the island of Basilan, the Philippines.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>The Islamic State’s territory in Iraq and Syria, once the size of Britain, has shriveled after four years of American-backed bombing and ground combat by Kurdish and Shiite militia fighters. What is left is a tiny village in southeast Syria that could fall any day.</p>
<p>But far from defeated, the movement has sprouted elsewhere. And here in the Mindanao island group of the southern Philippines, long a haven for insurgents because of dense wilderness and weak policing, the Islamic State has attracted a range of militant jihadists.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">On Basilan, local officials say that the island is now safe from the Abu Sayyaf separatists who began fighting from the jungles in 1991.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>“ISIS has a lot of power,” said Motondan Indama, a former child fighter on the island of Basilan and cousin of Furuji Indama, a militant leader who has pledged fealty to the group. “I don’t know why my cousin joined, but it’s happening all over.”</p>
<p>The group first made a big push for southern Philippines recruitment in 2016, circulating videos online beckoning militants who could not travel to its self-proclaimed caliphate in Iraq and Syria. Hundreds of fighters poured in from as far away as Chechnya, Somalia and Yemen, intelligence officials said.</p>
<p>The next year, militants who had pledged allegiance to the Islamic State <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/23/world/asia/isis-philippines-mindanao-marawi.html?module=inline" title="">took over the city of Marawi in Mindanao</a>. By the time the army prevailed five months later, the largest Muslim-majority city in the country lay in ruins. At least 900 insurgents were killed, including foreign fighters and Isnilon Hapilon, the Islamic State’s East Asia emir.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">On a visit to a cathedral in Jolo that was bombed by militants, President Rodrigo Duterte and his aides trampled over evidence, church officials said.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Malacanang Palace, via Associated Press</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Mr. Duterte declared victory over the Islamic State. But his triumphalism apparently has not deterred its loyalists from regrouping.</p>
<p>“ISIS has money coming into the Philippines, and they are recruiting fighters,” said Rommel Banlaoi, chairman of the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research. “ISIS is the most complicated, evolving problem for the Philippines today, and we should not pretend that it doesn’t exist because we don’t want it to exist.”</p>
<p>Since the Jan. 27 cathedral bombing on the island of Jolo, the Philippine military has responded with airstrikes and 10,000 soldiers in Jolo, according to Col. Gerry Besana, spokesman for the regional military command in the city of Zamboanga.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Soldiers carrying the casket of Cpl. Nemesis Salviejo, a special forces soldier killed in a battle with Abu Sayyaf in Jolo last month.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>American surveillance drones monitor the southern Philippine archipelago, where the nation’s Muslim minority is concentrated and local insurgencies have long battled the Christian-majority state.</p>
<p>But even as the military offensive intensifies, the government avoids conceding that the Philippines is in the global slipstream of Islamist extremism. Top officials have played down incidents in which the Islamic State has sent foreign fighters and financing to the Philippines for deadly attacks. The violence, they often say, is squabbling between Muslim clans, or common banditry.</p>
<p>Within a week of the Jolo cathedral bombing, the police declared the case solved, blaming a local militant group, Abu Sayyaf, with scant acknowledgment of how many of its insurgents have partnered with the Islamic State.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A house for former Abu Sayyaf members built by the government.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><p>Visiting the Jolo cathedral, Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Mr. Duterte and his entourage trampled over evidence, church officials said. Forensic investigators were kept from the crime scene for days. Dogs gnawed on body parts.</p></div>
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<p>“We are asking for an independent investigation because it was too quick, too soon to say it’s a closed case,” said Jefferson Nadua, a parish priest. “This is a serious matter that needs to be looked at more deeply because the threat is not just local. It’s maybe coming from outside, from ISIS.”</p>
<p>For decades, local insurgencies like Abu Sayyaf, which launched a campaign of bombings and beheadings, have thrived in the lawless wilderness and seas stretching toward Malaysia and Indonesia.</p>
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<p>In the 1990s, after Filipinos returned from the mujahedeen battlefields in Afghanistan and hard-line madrassas in Yemen and Saudi Arabia, local grievances fused with global calls for jihad. In a crescent-shaped swath of Southeast Asia, militants dreamed of a caliphate free of secular governance.</p>
<p>Jemaah Islamiyah, the Qaeda offshoot that killed more than 200 people in a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2002/10/15/world/threats-responses-white-house-bush-ties-bombing-bali-nightclub-qaeda-network.html?module=inline" title="">Bali nightclub</a> in 2002, trained recruits in Philippine jungles.</p>
<p>Later, as the Islamic State constructed its caliphate in the Middle East, it connected disparate militants in the Philippines under one ideological banner, said <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/04/opinion/isis-philippines-rodrigo-duterte.html?module=inline" title="">Sidney Jones</a>, the director of the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict in Jakarta, Indonesia.</p>
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<p>“The government didn’t recognize its strength in attracting everyone from university-educated students to Abu Sayyaf kids in the jungle,” Ms. Jones said. “Whatever happens to the pro-ISIS coalition in Mindanao, it has left behind the idea of an Islamic state as a desirable alternative to corrupt democracy.”</p>
<p>Basilan officials say the island is now safe from the Abu Sayyaf separatists who began their fight in 1991. No foreign fighters are hiding in the jungles, the local authorities insist, and they claim that the rebels have been reduced to about 20 trapped stragglers.</p>
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<div><p>But Colonel Besana puts the overall number of militants on Basilan at perhaps 200, and their leader has pledged allegiance to the Islamic State.</p></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">In 2017, militants who pledged allegiance to the Islamic State took over the city of Marawi in Mindanao. By the time the army prevailed five months later, the largest Muslim majority city in the country lay in ruins.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jes Aznar for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Mr. Indama, the former fighter who says he left Abu Sayyaf last year because he rejected the Islamic State’s ideology, claimed he saw foreign operatives in the Basilan jungle camps.</p>
<p>The idea that no overseas fighters have stolen onto Basilan was shattered last July when it was the site of the first suicide bombing in the Philippines.</p>
<p>The Islamic State claimed that the attack, which killed 11 people, had been the work of a Moroccan recruit. The Philippine authorities initially denied the attack had been by a suicide bomber, much less a foreigner. Weeks later, they admitted it had been carried out by a German-Moroccan suicide bomber.</p>
<p>Last year, a Spaniard was arrested in Basilan with bomb-making materials. An Egyptian carrying $19,000 in cash was also stopped on his way to Basilan, according to Mujiv Hataman, the governor of the autonomous Muslim region of the Philippines.</p>
<p>Mr. Hataman, who travels by armored convoy, expressed worry that if the bombing raids intensify in Jolo, militants will slip undetected into Basilan via small boats. Already, they travel among Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines over poorly patrolled seas.</p>
<p>“One problem goes away and another starts,” Mr. Hataman said.</p>
<p>Interior Secretary Eduardo Año has blamed the Jolo attack on an Indonesian couple, although Indonesian investigators say there is little evidence.</p>
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<p>Colonel Besana acknowledged that a number of foreign fighters were hiding in the Jolo hills, under the command of Hatib Hajan Sawadjaan, who is believed to have replaced Mr. Hapilon as the regional Islamic State emir.</p>
<p>The Islamic State’s lure seems never far from the surface in the southern Philippines. At a government ceremony in Basilan where houses were awarded to former Abu Sayyaf rebels under a long-gestating peace deal to bring autonomy to the Muslim south, security was so heavy that they were outnumbered by Philippine soldiers.</p>
<p>Jem Habing, 22, a former Abu Sayyaf fighter who said he had joined at age 11, like many children in his village, seemed noncommittal when asked if he might rejoin.</p>
<p>“They convinced me that if you die in battle, you will be rewarded in the hereafter,” he said. “They said it was the right path.”</p>
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<header class="css-1k2cc88"><h3>Related Coverage</h3></header><div>
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<h2>Philippines Cathedral Bombing Kills 20</h2>
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<h2>ISIS Bombing of Cathedral in Philippines Shows Group’s Reach Into Asia</h2>
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<h2>ISIS Threat in Philippines Spreads in Remote Battles</h2>
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<hr><a name="article-1"><div id="nav-up" style="display:inline;"><a href="#top"><i class="fa fa-home fa-2x"></i></a></div> <div id="nav-source" style="display:inline;"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/09/world/africa/stellenbosch-south-africa.html?partner=rss&emc=rss" target="new-1"><i class="fa fa-link fa-2x"></i></a></div> <div id="nav-prev" onclick="onArticle(0)" style="display:inline;"><i class="fa fa-chevron-left fa-2x"></i></div> <div id="nav-next" onclick="onArticle(2)" style="display:inline;"><i class="fa fa-chevron-right fa-2x"></i></div><div class="extract-content" id="1"><div id="fullBleedHeaderContent">
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A settlement of shacks on a section of Stefan Smit’s farm, which has become the focus of a bitter political fight.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><h1>In South Africa’s Fabled Wine Country, White and Black Battle Over Land</h1></div>
<p>A generation after apartheid, the Stellenbosch region is gripped by a struggle that pits white citizens who still control much of the economy against their black neighbors.</p>
</div></header><div><p>A settlement of shacks on a section of Stefan Smit’s farm, which has become the focus of a bitter political fight.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></span></p></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/selam-gebrekidan" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Selam Gebrekidan</span></a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/norimitsu-onishi" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Norimitsu Onishi</span></a></p></div></div>
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<p>STELLENBOSCH, South Africa — One cold morning, Stefan Smit, a white farmer in South Africa’s stunning wine region, woke up to find his vineyard under siege.</p>
<p>Anxious and angry, Mr. Smit, 62, drove his pickup truck to the highest point on his estate and peered down. Impoverished residents from the black township next door had stormed the land, clearing weeds and erecting 40 shacks in a matter of hours.</p>
<p>“I, personally, can’t breathe here,” Mr. Smit said later.</p>
<p>Virtually overnight, Mr. Smit’s farm, with its sweeping views of the Stellenbosch region, became a battleground in a bitter political fight that has split the nation and reached all the way to the Trump White House: Who should own South Africa’s land?</p>
<p>The fight pits white South Africans, who still control much of the economy a generation after the end of apartheid, directly against their black neighbors, many of whom are struggling to acquire a tiny patch on which to build a shack.</p>
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<div><p>A recent government survey found that white farmers like Mr. Smit control <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://www.ruraldevelopment.gov.za/publications/land-audit-report/file/6126" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nearly 70 percent</a> of farms held by individual owners in South Africa. And the figure does not even include land held by companies and trusts, which account for the largest share of privately owned land in the country.</p></div>
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<div><section id="2019-03-08-stellenbosch-satellite-1" data-id="100000006400908" class="interactive-embedded interactive-size-scoop custom-graphic-container css-wjknv2 e13l8dds1"><header class="css-cl76n0 interactive-header"><h2 class="css-1su19vv interactive-headline">Where Squatters Took Over a Vineyard</h2>
<p data-testid="leadin" class="css-1vs7yia interactive-leadin custom-leadin">Residents of a black township took over a private wine farm in Stellenbosch, South Africa.</p></header><div class="interactive-graphic custom-graphic css-17ih8de e13l8dds0">
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<footer class="css-irejme interactive-footer custom-footer"><p data-testid="credit" class="css-1ct2c9h interactive-credit custom-credit">Sources: CapeFarmMapper, Western Cape Department of Agriculture.</p></footer></section></div>
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<p>In this fabled corner of South Africa, where Americans and other foreigners come to taste chenin blanc and pinotage, white farmers like Mr. Smit have been trying to hold on to a part of the country they consider their historic domain.</p>
<p>He and his white Afrikaner friends call it an invasion, part of a calculated effort by the governing African National Congress to capture the only province that remains out of its political control.</p>
<p>“People are being brought” from other parts of the country “just to create a voting bloc,” said Jan de Klerk, a friend of Mr. Smit’s and a son of F.W. de Klerk, the former president who negotiated the end of apartheid with Nelson Mandela. “It’s not skills coming into the town. It’s basically just people coming in, and there’s no room.”</p>
<p>The squatters say they moved in out of desperation. Life had barely changed for the men and women in the neighboring township, even a quarter-century after achieving democracy. They still lived in flimsy shacks in cramped quarters, while Mr. Smit and his friends hold vast tracts of land brutally snatched from African inhabitants generations ago and deliberately kept in white hands for decades to come.</p>
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<p>The monopolies go far beyond private estates. Nearly 80 of the farms in Stellenbosch sit on public land. And most of them are locked in 50-year leases that local authorities signed with white farmers in the early 1990s, right before the end of apartheid, in exchange for private investments in water infrastructure, according to confidential municipal audits obtained by The New York Times.</p>
<p>The arrangements have enabled the farmers to maintain control of large stretches of public land long after the arrival of democracy.</p>
<p>“We see that land, we must take that land,” said Zola Ndlasi, 44, the man who led the takeover, as he walked among the new shacks. Because he came from the same region as Mr. Mandela, everyone called him by the same clan name, “Madiba.”</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Erecting a shack in the Stellenbosch region, which is renowned for its wine.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Many black South Africans feel betrayed by the failure of the A.N.C. to provide access to land.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Carrying a mattress to a newly built shack.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>With only a few months to go before elections, this elemental struggle — over who owns South Africa — is playing out on a national level.</p>
<p>Many black South Africans feel betrayed by the failure of the A.N.C., riddled with corruption, to provide access to land for the black majority.</p>
<p>The A.N.C. has tried — halfheartedly, critics say — to redistribute some of it, but the party has failed repeatedly, angering black residents all the more. One A.N.C. program purchased land from willing white farmers, but was so tainted by corruption that politicians ended up with more land than the ordinary citizens who were supposed to benefit.</p>
<p>In recent years, an A.N.C. spinoff, the Economic Freedom Fighters, has tapped into this anger by calling on black South Africans to take land on their own.</p>
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<p>Having lost some of his party’s core supporters, President Cyril Ramaphosa, the A.N.C. leader, is now also pushing to change the Constitution to allow the expropriation of land without compensation.</p>
<p>But eager to avoid international ire, Mr. Ramaphosa said during the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in January that his country would handle land reform “in a manner that takes the interests of all into account.”</p>
<p>“We are not going to allow land grabs in South Africa,” Mr. Ramaphosa said.</p>
<p>Many are deeply skeptical of his promises, warning of the seizure of white-owned farms that turned Zimbabwe, South Africa’s next-door neighbor, into an international pariah.</p>
<p>President Trump <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1032454567152246785" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">waded into the dispute</a> last year, echoing false or exaggerated allegations that white farmers were being forced off their land by the government and killed in large numbers. The president’s statement was a boon for AfriForum, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/23/us/politics/trump-south-africa-land.html?module=inline" title="">a far-right group that advocates for Afrikaners</a> like Mr. Smit and enjoys popular support here in Stellenbosch.</p>
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<footer class="css-irejme interactive-footer custom-footer"><p data-testid="credit" class="css-1ct2c9h interactive-credit custom-credit">By The New York Times</p></footer></section></div>
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<p>Contrary to the claims, the law has sided with Mr. Smit. A judge ordered the squatters to vacate the farm, but most of the shacks have remained while the decision is being appealed. Now, the municipality is negotiating with Mr. Smit to buy the plot.</p>
<p>The case has reverberated far beyond Stellenbosch because of the town’s singular place in South Africa’s past, present and future.</p>
<p>Long before the region became famous for its wines, Stellenbosch University, an elite institution that until recently taught mostly in Afrikaans, produced many of apartheid’s leading politicians and thinkers — so much so that Stellenbosch is often called the cradle of apartheid.</p>
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<p>Many executives of white-led companies have moved to town in the past two decades, leading critics of the nation’s enduring economic inequality to joke about political leaders “taking orders from Stellenbosch.”</p>
<p>“It is a retreat, a redoubt,” said Jannie Gagiano, who taught political science at Stellenbosch University.</p>
<p>Stellenbosch is also home to a neighborhood that tourists almost never see: a black township called Kayamandi, groaning under a fast-growing population and squeezed into some of the most crowded blocks in this part of South Africa. Kayamandi abuts a handful of wineries, some separated by high barbed-wire and electrified fences.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Stellenbosch, a university town, is surrounded by vineyards and is a popular tourist attraction.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div data-testid="photoviewer-children" class="css-1a48zt4 ehw59r111"><figure class="css-1ef8w8q e1g7ppur0" aria-label="media" role="group" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemid="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/03/09/world/09Stellenbosch5/merlin_147616083_54020360-2f04-4490-8b0d-e5317df6d518-articleLarge.jpg?quality=90&auto=webp" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject"><div>
<span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Image</span><div><div data-testid="lazyimage-container" style="height:257.77777777777777px"></div></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Mr. Smit with friends at his vineyard. “They bring the people down like fodder,” Mr. Smit said of the A.N.C.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div data-testid="photoviewer-children" class="css-1a48zt4 ehw59r111"><figure class="css-1ef8w8q e1g7ppur0" aria-label="media" role="group" itemprop="associatedMedia" itemscope="" itemid="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/03/09/world/09Stellenbosch7/merlin_147616224_ef59a9c9-a029-44cd-8579-7377a66daa15-articleLarge.jpg?quality=90&auto=webp" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject"><div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A wine farm in Stellenbosch, a region known for its chenin blanc and pinotage.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div>
<p>Newcomers arrive every day to Kayamandi, mostly from the impoverished Eastern Cape Province. The steady migration has made black South Africans the biggest racial group in Stellenbosch, outnumbering whites and people of mixed race, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/Report%2003-01-07/Report%2003-01-072016.pdf" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">according to a 2016 population survey.</a></p>
<p>To Mr. Smit and his friends, the changing demographics support their suspicions that the recent seizure was orchestrated by the nation’s leaders. Black voters are likely to back the A.N.C., while white and mixed-race South Africans tend to vote for another party, the Democratic Alliance, in this part of South Africa.</p>
<p>“They bring the people down like fodder,” Mr. Smit said of the A.N.C.</p>
<h2 class="css-1505tg eoo0vm40" id="link-7e47abbe">‘Madiba’ and the Red Ants</h2>
<p>Unlike his more famous namesake, Mr. Ndlasi — or “Madiba” to the squatters — does not dream of a rainbow nation.</p>
<p>Mr. Ndlasi worked as a laborer for white businesses, then started organizing newcomers so desperate for housing that they rent shacks behind government-built homes. Writing letters and leading meetings, he pressed the municipality to build housing.</p>
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<div><p>Last May, he led the first push into Mr. Smit’s farm. Men from the township built half a dozen shacks. Mr. Smit quickly obtained an eviction order and the Red Ants — demolishers named after their red overalls — dismantled the shacks and carted them away.</p></div>
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<div><section id="2019-03-08-stellenbosch-satellite-2" data-id="100000006401066" class="interactive-embedded interactive-size-scoop custom-graphic-container css-wjknv2 e13l8dds1"><header class="css-cl76n0 interactive-header"><h2 class="css-1su19vv interactive-headline">The Extent of the Takeover</h2>
<p data-testid="leadin" class="css-1vs7yia interactive-leadin custom-leadin">Shacks appeared overnight on Mr. Smit’s farm in late July, and within a month, nearly 1,000 were spread across his plots.</p></header><div class="interactive-graphic custom-graphic css-17ih8de e13l8dds0">
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<p class="g-pstyle0">Before the </p>
<p class="g-pstyle0">takeover</p>
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<div id="g-ai0-2" class="g-hed g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:7.2399%;margin-top:-21.3px;left:51.3655%;width:100px;">
<p class="g-pstyle0">After the </p>
<p class="g-pstyle0">takeover</p>
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<div id="g-ai0-3" class="g-hed g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:9.6008%;margin-top:-8.8px;left:17.4017%;width:72px;">
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<p class="g-pstyle4">Stefan Smit’s </p>
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<div id="g-ai1-3" class="g-text g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:9.4291%;margin-top:-8.3px;left:16.6031%;width:69px;">
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<p class="g-pstyle2">Stefan Smit’s </p>
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<div id="g-ai2-6" class="g-text g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:38.6728%;left:3.1217%;width:149px;">
<p class="g-pstyle3">Before the takeover</p>
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<div id="g-ai2-7" class="g-date g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:42.5629%;left:3.1217%;width:95px;">
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<div id="g-ai2-8" class="g-text g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:79.3515%;margin-top:-8.8px;left:59.0365%;margin-left:-63px;width:126px;">
<p class="g-pstyle2">Squatters’ shacks</p>
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<div id="g-ai2-9" class="g-text g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:90.1602%;left:3.1217%;width:138px;">
<p class="g-pstyle3">After the takeover</p>
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<div id="g-ai2-10" class="g-date g-aiAbs g-aiPointText" style="top:93.8215%;left:3.1217%;width:95px;">
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<footer class="css-irejme interactive-footer custom-footer"><p data-testid="credit" class="css-1ct2c9h interactive-credit custom-credit">Sources: CapeFarmMapper, Western Cape Department of Agriculture.</p></footer></section></div>
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<p>When angry protesters faced off with the Red Ants, Mr. Ndlasi was arrested for inciting violence, spending three nights in jail.</p>
<p>“We are not fighting him,” Mr. Ndlasi said of Mr. Smit. “We can be friends if he don’t have that white attitude. Maybe he can think he’s better than us.”</p>
<p>Mr. Ndlasi and other organizers then contacted a lawyer who told them about a local law: The squatters could not be evicted without a court order if they had lived in the shacks for two days or more.</p>
<p>So one night last July, Mr. Ndlasi led men and women up the hill again.</p>
<p>When the Red Ants came back a few days later, they faced an angry resistance. The police fired tear gas and pepper-sprayed the protesters.</p>
<p>Lubabalo Mpiliso, 20, had built all but the roof of his shack. He hurled rocks but watched helplessly as the Red Ants ripped apart his zinc sheets and wooden frames. Undeterred, he patched together a new shack days later.</p>
<p>“If I build a house, then I will leave this for my children,” said Mr. Mpiliso, who had been living in a two-bedroom government house with 10 members of his family.</p>
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<p>The municipality of Stellenbosch acknowledges a housing shortage in Kayamandi, which had more than 7,000 shacks before the push into Mr. Smit’s farm. But while the town has resources to deal with the problem — it owns scores of farms — critics say its leaders are reluctant to build homes for fear of losing control of City Hall, especially with the arrival of black newcomers unlikely to vote for them.</p>
<p>Municipal officials dismissed the allegation as “absolutely untrue,” countering that the squatters are trying to jump ahead of a long line of people waiting for housing.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A barber shop in Kayamandi, a black township near the vineyards.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Kayamandi is groaning under a fast-growing population.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Newcomers arrive every day to Kayamandi, mostly from the impoverished Eastern Cape Province.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>“People just take land because they know what the political fight is,” said Wilhelmina Petersen, a municipal council speaker who belongs to the Democratic Alliance, which controls most of the town. “They test the country.”</p>
<p>Mr. Ndlasi, too, is trying to gauge the political winds. He is quick to recount the corrupt ways of the A.N.C. and is waiting to see how many voters will break for the Economic Freedom Fighters in this year’s elections.</p>
<p>But he is also getting pointers from a local A.N.C. leader, Midas Wanana, 43. During an interview, Mr. Wanana talked about making Mr. Ndlasi the face of the A.N.C. in the next elections.</p>
<p>“We want to put him in front,” Mr. Wanana said. “He is a hero.”</p>
<h2 class="css-1505tg eoo0vm40" id="link-65835e2f">‘Able to Breathe’</h2>
<p>Across the hill, Mr. Smit seemed like a feudal lord high up in his castle. Generations of township residents, who had never laid eyes on him, pictured him as an all-powerful figure. Some called him “the Italian,” confusing him for an Italian man who once worked for Mr. Smit’s father.</p>
<p>In reality, Mr. Smit stayed away from the township — out of fear.</p>
<p>“I never spoke to the people myself,” he said. “You don’t do that. It’s not un-dangerous. It’s not advisable.”</p>
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<p>Business has been down in recent years. Few tourists visited his modest tasting room, choosing competitors often backed by foreign investors. His two daughters were away teaching English in Vietnam and Taiwan. He wants them to be happy somewhere they will be “able to breathe.”</p>
<p>Before the end of apartheid, Mr. Smit benefited from the white monopoly over land and a steady supply of cheap black labor. His great-grandfather had cultivated grapes since the late 19th century on a property nearby. His father once owned the largest wine estate in the country, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.louiesenhof.co.za/about/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mr. Smit’s website</a> says.</p>
<p>Black people had not been allowed to purchase land in Stellenbosch long before the apartheid government came to power in 1948. One of the farmers who bought the land before Mr. Smit’s family even had to demonstrate in the late 1930s that he was not a “native,” according to archived deeds reviewed by The Times.</p>
<p>When Mr. Smit’s father bought the farm in the early 1960s, he had to file an affidavit confirming that he belonged to the “White Group.” And like some other white farmers, Mr. Smit locked up additional public land in a 50-year lease before the end of apartheid, in return for infrastructure investments estimated at more than $500,000, he said.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">When Mr. Smit’s father bought the farm in the early 1960s, he had to file an affidavit confirming that he belonged to the “White Group.”</span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Still, Mr. Smit does not view land reform as a fair means of redress. The African ethnic groups that make up the majority of South Africa today did not live in this region when European settlers came to the Cape, he said, though he acknowledged that Europeans had violently displaced an indigenous group called the Khoi-San.</p>
<p>“Them, we must look into the face,” he said. “But others, it’s political.”</p>
<p>By late August, nearly a thousand shacks spread across Mr. Smit’s plot. With no electricity, many residents went to the township to charge their phones and cook. The municipality later installed two water taps and cleared ground to build some toilets.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A protest in Stellenbosch over the arrest of a community leader.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">An art installation in Stellenbosch with the image of Nelson Mandela.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A laborer in a Mr. Smit’s vineyard.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Joao Silva/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><p>But if a neighboring settlement was any indication, things were unlikely to improve. In 2006, township dwellers moved into a steep valley filled with venomous snakes. More than a decade later, it is a dangerously overcrowded shantytown with few toilets and no electricity.</p></div>
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<p>For months, the new residents of Mr. Smit’s farm fought to avoid that fate, demonstrating with signs that said, “We need land, we took land.” Mr. Ndlasi led protest songs adopted from the apartheid era.</p>
<p>In late October, while protesting in Stellenbosch, township residents hurled bricks at the municipality’s offices. Mr. Ndlasi and Mr. Wanana, the A.N.C. leader, were arrested, ultimately spending six weeks in jail.</p>
<p>At the farm, Mr. Smit began receiving threatening messages.</p>
<p>“They said they’ll burn me alive,” he said. After months of a tense standoff, he said he was ready to sell the plot the squatters took over.</p>
<p>His friends had warned him of a long fight. One afternoon, Mr. Smit shared bottles of his wine with fellow Afrikaners who had come to support him, an air of uncertainty hanging over the room. They owned the land now, but for how much longer?</p>
<p>“We’ll enjoy the ride for a while,” Mr. de Klerk said. “How did my dad say it? ‘Fasten your seatbelt.’”</p>
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<div><h1>Jewish Caricatures at Belgian Carnival Set Off Charges of Anti-Semitism</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">An image from social media showing a float in the parade in Belgium on Sunday carrying two giant figures of Orthodox Jews, with mice on their shoulders, sitting on bags of money.</span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Milan Schreuer</span></p></div></div>
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<p>AALST, Belgium — In Aalst, a small city northwest of Brussels, the Carnival parade is the main event of the year, where everyone and everything is mercilessly mocked, and drunkenness and a lack of taste are part of the mix.</p>
<p>But this year, floats that the townspeople regarded as the customary shameless satire of their famed Carnival set off an uproar. One float in the parade on Sunday carried two giant figures of Orthodox Jews, with side curls and grotesquely large noses, sitting on bags of money. Another group paraded in the white hoods and robes of the Ku Klux Klan.</p>
<p>At a time when expressions of anti-Semitism and racism are on the rise in many countries, images of the event quickly spread around the world, unleashing accusations of bigotry and historical ignorance.</p>
<p>Some critics began an international campaign to push Unesco, the United Nations’ cultural organization, to withdraw its official recognition of the Aalst Carnival — one of Europe’s largest — as a “cultural heritage” event.</p>
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<p>The controversy has revealed the wide sensitivity gap between some Belgian revelers inured to such blatant ethnic caricatures, and outsiders attuned to calling out racism and anti-Semitism.</p>
<p>“It’s shocking beyond belief that within living memory of the Holocaust a Carnival parade in Europe would peddle such vile anti-Semitism,” <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://transatlanticinstitute.org/press-releases/ajc-outraged-over-anti-semitic-carnival-puppets-aalst-urges-belgian-government-react" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said</a> Daniel Schwammenthal, director of the Brussels-based office of the American Jewish Committee.</p>
<p>The condemnation has stung the mayor and residents of Aalst, who defended the displays as all in fun and the typical vulgar fare for their Carnival.</p>
<p>“There are absolutely no bad intentions that lay at the basis, and I say this with the greatest respect for the Jewish community,” Mayor Christoph D’Haese said in a debate with a representative of the Belgian Jewish community on <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.vrt.be/vrtnu/a-z/van-gils-gasten/2019/van-gils%E2%80%94-gasten-d20190306/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">national public television</a> on Wednesday.</p>
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<div><p>“The images are limited in time and space, and that’s important,” Mr. D’Haese said, adding that he would never allow such displays on any other occasion. “This was not an anti-Semitic deed before or after the parade; it was within the parade.”</p></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">The Carnival parade in Aalst, Belgium, features more than 40 folkloric groups with elaborate costumes and floats.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jonas Roossens/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Yet by Friday, more than 8,000 people had signed a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.change.org/p/audrey-azoulay-director-general-unesco-unesco-should-withdraw-its-support-for-the-aalst-carnival-in-belgium" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">petition on Change.org</a> calling on Unesco, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, to cut its ties with the Aalst Carnival.</p>
<p>Ernesto Ottone Ramírez, a deputy director at Unesco in Paris, said in an interview on Friday, “Unesco will ask that a discussion on this particular case will take place.”</p>
<p>He added that there should be broader discussion of whether Unesco’s cultural heritage recognitions “are still in accordance with Unesco’s mandate, and if not, whether their recognition should be revoked.”</p>
<p>He condemned the floats, saying in <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://fr.unesco.org/news/lunesco-condamne-representations-racistes-antisemites-lors-du-carnaval-dalost-belgique-3-mars" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">an earlier statement</a>: “The satirical spirit of the Aalst carnival and freedom of expression cannot serve as a screen for such manifestations of hatred.”</p>
<p>But this isn’t the first time Unesco has been aware of an offensive float in the parade.</p>
<p>In 2013, Unesco condemned a display by a group that dressed up as Nazi officers, carrying what were made to look like cans of the gas used in concentration camps, and parading alongside a float evoking the trains that carried Jews to their deaths. The group said it was making fun of the mayor of Aalst, a Flemish nationalist.</p>
<p>Carnival in Aalst, which has its roots in the Middle Ages, grew into one of the biggest such events in Europe over the past two centuries, in part because of its popularity among the city’s working-class citizens, who reveled in voicing their frustrations with local factory owners and the church, historians say.</p>
<p>The parade, which takes place on the Sunday before Lent, is the pinnacle of a three-day feast.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description name" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">An annual parade in a Belgian town this year included caricatures of Orthodox Jews and blackface and has unleashed outrage. This is excerpted from a longer video.</span></figcaption></figure><div>
<div><p>Bert Kruismans, a comedian from Aalst who has written several books on Belgian history and culture, said that every year, more than 40 local folkloric groups raise about 50,000 to 100,000 euros each to create their displays. The floats, costumes, dances and music are often brutally satirical and politically incorrect, Mr. Kruisman said. <em class="css-2fg4z9 e1gzwzxm0">(Some of the figures in this year’s parade can be seen in the clip above, </em><a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gA-HcJ1iBh4&feature=youtu.be&t=185" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em class="css-2fg4z9 e1gzwzxm0">part of a longer video</em></a><em class="css-2fg4z9 e1gzwzxm0">.)</em></p></div>
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<p>Over the years, the targets of satire have included local and international political figures, monarchs, Nazis and members of minority groups, invariably depicted with exaggerated facial characteristics.</p>
<p>The most popular theme is that of the “Voil Jeanetten,” Aalst dialect for the “Dirty Sissies,” which are men dressed up in whatever provocative female clothing they can find at home.</p>
<p>This year, another Carnival group dressed up as members of the Ku Klux Klan in order, they said, to satirize Guy D’haeseleer, a far-right city councilor in the nearby town of Ninove.</p>
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<p>That town is home to the brewery of the Witkap-Pater beer, which has a logo depicting a monk with a white hood. Mr. D’haeseleer was accused during a local election campaign last year of having spread racist propaganda, because of an earlier social media post in which he referred to black people as “chocolate mousse.”</p>
<p>Other marchers in the parade painted their faces black and wore bakers’ outfits with the logo of Mr. D’haeseleer’s political party on their chests. Another group in blackface wore Muslim head coverings and dressed up as chocolate bars.</p>
<p>Mr. D’haeseleer attended the Aalst parade and said he thought the displays were funny, “playful and well done.”</p>
<p>“The anger of the Jewish community is completely absurd,” Mr. D’haeseleer said in a telephone interview on Friday. “I think it’s squeamish of those people that they feel targeted again. This is much ado about nothing, I think they totally blew this up and hereby undermine the particularity of Carnival.”</p>
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<p>He added, “This is taking political correctness too far.”</p>
<p>Europe’s religious and civic leaders said that especially in the European context, such a defense is unacceptable. Carnival depictions of Jews have often been more than just innocent merrymaking, they said.</p>
<p>“The sight of anti-Semitic caricatures surrounded by money is indistinguishable from imagery used by the Nazis and is grossly offensive in a country where 25,000 Jews were murdered in the Holocaust,” said Moshe Kantor, president of the European Jewish Congress.</p>
<p>This year, a group called De Vismooil’n created the float with the offensive Jewish figures. None of their members could be reached for comment.</p>
<p>But Mr. Kruismans, the Aalst comedian and historian, said De Vismooil’n used the caricature of the rich Orthodox Jew who saves all of his money for the future to make fun of the group’s own money problems. The group decided to save money on this year’s float in order to spend more next year and have more chance of winning the annual competition, a practice known in local folkloric parlance as taking a “sabbatical.”</p>
<p>To save money, Mr. Kruismans said, the figures depicting the Jews with the exaggerated facial expressions were reused from previous years, when they had been dressed before as non-Jewish characters.</p>
<p>“This was not an orchestrated anti-Semitic propaganda campaign,” Mr. Kruismans said. “It was born out of thoughtlessness and an ill-advised attempt to recuperate an age-old caricature that bares latent anti-Semitism within it for the purpose of humor. And nobody thought it was witty, by the way.”</p>
<p>But as part of its official application to join this year’s parade, the De Vismooil’n group wrote: “To save a little penny for next year, we’re taking a Sabbath year. Come and see our little safes during the parade, and you may see our mice save for next year. Love you, bye-bye and most of all don’t forget: Shalom!”</p>
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<p><em>Follow Milan Schreuer on Twitter: <a href="https://twitter.com/MilanSchreuer">@MilanSchreuer</a></em></p> </div>
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<div><h1>Of Civil Wars and Family Feuds: Brexit Is More Divisive Than Ever</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A pro-Brexit march in London last year. Like the election of President Trump, Britain’s 2016 referendum on leaving the European Union crystallized existing divisions in society.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Andrew Testa for The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/stephen-castle" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Stephen Castle</span></a></p></div></div>
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<p>HEMEL HEMPSTEAD, England — Martin Bradford played guitar at a local venue for the better part of a decade, but he avoids the place now because performing there would mean working with its sound engineer.</p>
<p>And that would not end well.</p>
<p>Sipping a pint in a riverside pub, Mr. Bradford recalls how he casually mentioned his vote to leave the European Union and instantly lost a friend.</p>
<p>“‘You’ve taken my retirement away,’” Mr. Bradford was told, the reasoning being that the sound engineer hoped to move to another European Union country, a right that Brexit could threaten.</p>
<p>“Once that conversation had happened there was no going back,” said Mr. Bradford, who also avoids members of his old band after some posted comments on social media that, he said, “painted the people who voted leave as racists, bigots, evil, stupid.”</p>
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<p>Like the election of President Trump, the 2016 Brexit referendum vote crystallized divisions between cities and towns, young and old, the beneficiaries of globalization and those left behind.</p>
<p>And far from fading, the Brexit divide seems to have become entrenched within many British workplaces, families and social circles.</p>
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<h2 class="css-zd32qr e6u6ph31">What Is Brexit? A Simple Guide to Why It Matters and What Happens Next</h2>
<p class="css-1uuihdo">The basics of Brexit, the troubled plan for Britain to quit the European Union.</p>
<time>Jan. 24, 2019</time>
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<p><a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-6558443/BEL-MOONEY-friend-cut-voted-Brexit.html" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Friendships lost or relationships broken by Brexit</a> have been bemoaned by <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.theneweuropean.co.uk/top-stories/dan-hannan-appears-in-the-express-to-talk-about-losing-friends-over-brexit-1-5753972" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">politicians</a>, featured in newspaper <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://www.politics.co.uk/comment-analysis/2016/07/11/how-to-fix-a-family-broken-by-brexit" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">advice columns</a> and spawned <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/nov/25/middle-england-jonathan-coe-review" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">novels</a> and <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2018/oct/09/people-like-us-julie-burchill-brexit-play-union-theatre-london" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">at least one play</a>.</p>
<p>According to <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/brexit-remainers-more-bothered-by-differing-views-in-family-poll-shows-h6kh2vrp7" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">one survey</a>, more than a third of those who wish to remain in the European Union would be upset if a close relative married a strong leave supporter, suggesting that Brexit has morphed into a clash of values.</p>
<p>In the aftermath of the referendum, Relate, a counseling service, said that a fifth of the 300 relationship support practitioners surveyed had worked with clients who argued over Brexit. And analysts say Britons are increasingly likely to define themselves in relation to Brexit, rather than allegiance to a party, a dividing line noticed by psychotherapists too.</p>
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<p>“It’s a bit like 16th-century France between the Catholics and the Protestants,” said Brett Kahr, senior clinical research fellow in psychotherapy and mental health at the Center for Child Mental Health, adding: “I think there is a great deal of hatred of one position toward the other, and a lack of willingness to engage.</p>
<p>“It doesn’t make sense to begin to doubt your position if you are so certain your position is the correct one,” Mr. Kahr said.</p>
<p>Of course, many Britons have tuned out, bored by endless and incomprehensible Brexit twists in Parliament. Talk of a religious war sounds overblown to Giles Fraser, rector of St. Mary’s church in Newington, South London, but he accepts that “people are talking past each other in a way that perhaps believers, and nonbelievers, might talk past each other.”</p>
<p>“It’s definitely visceral, it’s definitely nasty, and there are certainly people who won’t accept the core of the other person’s position,” added Mr. Fraser, who thinks that his support for Brexit in London, which generally voted the other way, cost him friends.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A bus with pro-Brexit branding passing E.U. supporters outside Parliament in London. Far from fading, the Brexit divide seems to have become entrenched in many British workplaces, families and social circles.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Matt Dunham/Associated Press</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>If it is hard being a pro-Brexit clergyman in London, it is no easier being a remain supporter in Meden Vale, a former mining village in Nottinghamshire, 150 miles north of the capital, where most people voted leave.</p>
<p>But not Chris Hawkins. “I can’t honestly think of anyone from Meden Vale among my group of friends or people I know who voted remain, apart from myself,” said Mr. Hawkins, who works with children with educational problems.</p>
<p>After arguments about Brexit, Mr. Hawkins sees less of his two best friends, who now tend to socialize or take bike rides without him. With his parents there has been tension though the major conflict was with one of his partner’s relatives. The discussion was “not very good,” he said with understatement. “He erupted.”</p>
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<p>“We’ve not been invited to family birthday parties or get-togethers post referendum, whereas before we were,” said Mr. Hawkins who thinks that, here, remainers are seen as being removed from the real world. “I did get a lot of, ‘You went to university,’ after the vote,” he added.</p>
<p>Some experts worry that, rather than open feuding, a chilly silence has descended across parts of a population that is often adept at avoiding confrontations.</p>
<p>“Brexit is ever-present in the consulting room,” said Sarah Niblock, chief executive of the United Kingdom Council for Psychotherapy. “It is now so excruciating, and so difficult for people to have conversations about Brexit — families, workplaces neighbors are so split — there is so much of a division between groups in society that it is almost as if the therapeutic room has become the last place people can talk with any ease.”</p>
<p>Those trying to make sense of it all include Candida Yates, professor of culture and communication at Bournemouth University, who is researching Brexit sentiment.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-18crmh6 e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Workers outside the Royal Exchange in London. Some experts worry that, rather than open feuding, a chilly silence has descended across parts of a population that is often adept at avoiding confrontations.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Andrew Testa for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Her idea was to get the two groups in the same room but, when that proved impossible she initially met them separately.</p>
<p>“They were very, very emotional,” said Ms. Yates. “It was a very powerful experience: people coming together who didn’t know each other, there were tears — and these were all with people who voted the same way.”</p>
<p>For the remainers it was rather like a bereavement group. “There was this huge sense of loss. People talked about waking up on the day of the vote crying and in shock and they didn’t fully understand it themselves. They understood that they were upset but why did they feel so strongly? So it was a bit like a therapy group.”</p>
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<p>For leavers there was more a sense of grievance than grief, Ms. Yates said, and a feeling “that they had been left behind, they had been forgotten, it was really this town-city divide.”</p>
<p>Winning the referendum was an unexpected victory — some described it as a gift — but a precarious one.</p>
<p>“They couldn’t quite believe their luck and also said — even back then in 2016 — ‘It will be taken away,’ ” Ms. Yates said. “They were saying, ‘They won’t let us have it.’ There was a real feeling of ‘them and us’ and a feeling of powerlessness. They had managed to get this, but how long they could hang on to it, they didn’t know,” she added.</p>
<p>More recently, Ms. Yates managed to cajole two groups into the same room. “People talked about it being like a civil war,” she said. Indeed, some mentioned Britain’s Civil War, which took place in the 17th century, or even episodes further back in history.</p>
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<p>“They talked about the Civil War, they talked about the Norman yoke, people have gone back and back. It’s as if these earlier schisms had been reawoken.”</p>
<p>She noted tension within families, a fact that chimes with Samantha Raaphorst, a part-time language student who cares for two autistic children in Leeds, and who struggles to communicate with the family of her elder son’s father, from whom she separated some years ago.</p>
<p>When Brexit featured on the news during a visit, she said, “They asked me how I voted, and I said I voted remain, and suddenly the atmosphere of the room completely changed.”</p>
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<p>“They didn’t understand my point of view at all,” Ms. Raaphorst said. “They said, ‘Why wouldn’t you want this country to be great again? Why wouldn’t you want us to start trading with other global powers? Why wouldn’t you want us to be Great Britain?’ And they started talking about empire. I was absolutely stunned.”</p>
<p>“I wrote them a letter saying I was quite upset about what happened,” Ms. Raaphorst said. “They sent my son a letter saying that they just want to protect him from people coming in and out of the country that might hurt him.”</p>
<p>For Andrew Parnall, a software trainer who lives in Derby, Brexit has also caused family tension, in his case with his niece, a leave supporter. “We don’t talk much now, it has poisoned the well,” he said.</p>
<p>Mr. Parnall recalls crying on the morning of the referendum result and says he feels emotional still.</p>
<p>In his former office everyone knew his views and, at Christmas, the referendum featured satirically in his secret Santa gift: a signed copy of a photograph of the Brexit campaigner Nigel Farage.</p>
<p>“I chucked it in the bin,” he said. “Everyone else was getting bottles of wine and saying thank you. I was jumping up and down on a picture.”</p>
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<div><h1>Power Still Flickering, Venezuelans Take to Streets to Protest</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Supporters of the opposition leader Juan Guaidó gathering in Caracas.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Meridith Kohut for The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Anatoly Kurmanaev</span> and <span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Isayen Herrera</span></p></div></div>
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<p>CARACAS, Venezuela — Thousands of opposition supporters marched to central Caracas on Saturday, defying a government ban on rallies in the Venezuelan capital’s core and testing a heavy police presence as the country struggled to emerge from its worst blackout in recent memory.</p>
<p>Clashes between the police and protesters were reported early in the day, but a cordon of officers stepped aside to allow the demonstrators to rally and hear from the opposition leader Juan Guaidó.</p>
<p>“We have to conquer public spaces in a peaceful manner,” Mr. Guaidó, standing atop a car, declared through a megaphone. “We have to prepare ourselves for very tough times.”</p>
<p>Power was intermittent in Caracas on Saturday, two days after the country went dark, and it remained off in large portions of the country’s west. Much of the country’s <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://netblocks.org/reports/second-national-power-outage-detected-across-venezuela-dQ8o728n" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">telecommunications network was offline</a> after another power failure on Saturday, according to NetBlocks, an internet monitoring group. State utility workers say it will take days to fully restore the national grid.</p>
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<div><p>Opposition leaders have staged rallies for weeks in an effort to dislodge President Nicolás Maduro, whose re-election they say was rigged and whose policies they claim have brought the country to economic ruin.</p></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Mr. Guaidó greeting supporters on Saturday.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Meridith Kohut for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>The problems caused by the blackout — a loss of communication and public transportation — had complicated the opposition’s efforts to organize Saturday’s protests. But its leaders were jubilant at the result: a series of demonstrations across the country that drew thousands of supporters and only limited pushback from the authorities.</p>
<p>One group of opposition supporters blocked the main highway in the capital, but national guardsmen sent to confront the demonstrators made no attempt to dislodge them.</p>
<p>“This is one of the biggest victories of our strategy and organization,” said Carlos Paparoni, an opposition leader. “To all the policemen and guards we say: Our fight is not against you. They have also been without electricity. Their food is also rotting in their fridges.”</p>
<p>The nationwide power failure has intensified pressure on Mr. Maduro, who appeared in public on Saturday for the first time since a problem at Venezuela’s main hydropower plant on Thursday afternoon <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/08/world/americas/venezuela-blackout-power.html?module=inline" title="">plunged the country into darkness</a>. Backup generators at upmarket hotels, which have become sanctuaries for Caracas’s affluent, had begun running out of fuel by Saturday.</p>
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<p>A rival pro-government rally in Caracas on Saturday drew a smaller crowd. Mr. Maduro tweeted his appreciation with <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/NicolasMaduro/status/1104432249246830592" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">a video</a> that cut together images of his predecessor and mentor, Hugo Chávez, and celebrating crowds.</p>
<p>He also sounded a familiar theme, blaming American intervention for the unrest.</p>
<p>“Today, when the empire of the U.S., in its desperation to grab our natural resources, intensifies its brutal aggression against the fatherland,” Mr. Maduro said, “we stand firm to defend our land and cry with force: Yankee go home! We are anti-imperialist!”</p>
<p>He later appeared at the pro-government rally, declaring, “Here I am, facing my responsibilities.”</p>
<p>Many of his supporters wore red, the color associated with the socialist government of Mr. Chávez. One woman <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/teleSURtv/status/1104452332820090880" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">told the state television network</a> Telesur that the rallygoers were “defending with blood our revolution.”</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Power was intermittent in Caracas, Venezuela, on Saturday, after two days of a blackout that kept much of the country in darkness.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Meridith Kohut for The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Mr. Maduro and his ministers have <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/07/world/americas/venezuela-power-outage-blackout-apagon.html?module=inline" title="">blamed the blackout on sabotage</a>, without providing evidence, and have said the United States was behind it.</p>
<p>Critics have said it was the result of years of mismanagement and underinvestment.</p>
<p>“I’m here because I can’t take it anymore,” said Maria Elena Jiménez, a retiree draped in a Venezuelan flag who turned out for an opposition rally in Caracas. Venezuela’s economic crisis, she said, had broken her family apart: Her daughter emigrated and her brother was killed in a robbery outside his house last year.</p>
<p>Crying, Ms. Jiménez asked, “How am I going to stay in my house when my country has touched the bottom?”</p>
<p>The blackout has crippled air travel and public transportation, devastated scarce food supplies and threatened the lives of thousands of hospital patients. Opposition leaders claimed that 79 patients across the country had died because of the blackout, although that figure could not be independently corroborated. In the capital, residents lined up outside food stores and gasoline stations to try to restock supplies and fuel.</p>
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<p>Economists and rights groups say it will take weeks to take the full stock of the economic and human cost of the blackout. But deprivation was on the minds of opposition protesters on Saturday.</p>
<p>“I’m here to show my indignation and my exhaustion,” said Belkis Pernalete, a psychologist who marched in the central city of Valencia. She said the blackout had forced her family to eat its entire supply of frozen food.</p>
<p>Still, Ms. Pernalete said, she was among the lucky ones: She had food to eat.</p>
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<p>Tibisay Romero contributed reporting from Valencia, Venezuela.</p> </div>
<div>A version of this article appears in print on <!-- -->, on Page <!-- -->A<!-- -->10<!-- --> of the New York edition<!-- --> with the headline: <!-- -->With Power Still Flickering, Venezuelans Protest<span>. <a href="http://www.nytreprints.com/">Order Reprints</a> | <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/todayspaper/index.html">Today’s Paper</a> | <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/subscriptions/Multiproduct/lp8HYKU.html?campaignId=48JQY">Subscribe</a></span>
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<div><h1>New Images of North Korea Buildup Confront Trump’s Hopes for Disarmament</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">President Trump and Kim Jong-un, the North Korean leader, ended their summit meeting last month in Hanoi, Vietnam, without a deal.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Doug Mills/The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/david-e-sanger" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">David E. Sanger</span></a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/william-j-broad" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">William J. Broad</span></a></p></div></div>
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<p>WASHINGTON — President Trump was forced to publicly acknowledge this past week what American intelligence officials said they had long been telling the White House: Even during eight months of blossoming diplomacy, Kim Jong-un, the North Korean leader, was steadily adding to his weapons arsenal and nuclear infrastructure.</p>
<p>Three times, Mr. Trump told reporters that he would be “very disappointed” if North Korea was <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/05/world/asia/north-korea-missile-site.html?module=inline" title="">preparing to launch a space rocket</a> that intelligence officials believe could help Mr. Kim perfect the means to heave a nuclear warhead across the ocean. Satellite imagery taken Friday, and analyzed by the <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://beyondparallel.csis.org/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Beyond Parallel</a> program of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, shows that the North has “continued preparations” on the launching pad at Sohae consistent with readying for “the delivery of a rocket.”</p>
<p>American officials said the reconstruction there began long before Mr. Trump left Washington in late February for a summit meeting with Mr. Kim in Hanoi, Vietnam, where talks abruptly ended.</p>
<p>The rebuilding at Sohae was not the only work underway.</p>
<p>While North Korea blew up the entrances to its major <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/12/world/asia/north-korea-nuclear-test-site.html?module=inline" title="">underground testing site at Punggye-ri in May</a>, it never allowed in inspectors, as promised, to determine whether the facility had actually been destroyed. Commercial satellite photographs suggest the buildings containing the control rooms and computers used to trigger and study the explosions were carefully mothballed.</p>
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<p>And in the time between Mr. Trump and Mr. Kim’s <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/12/world/asia/trump-kim-meeting-interpreter.html?module=inline" title="">first meeting</a>, in Singapore in June, and their second in Hanoi, intelligence estimates suggest that North Korea produced enough uranium and plutonium to fuel a half-dozen new nuclear warheads.</p>
<p>The evidence that North Korea was moving ahead with its weapons program was clear, according to American intelligence officials familiar with the briefings provided to Mr. Trump. But the president sought to soften it in public to avoid imperiling negotiations, the officials said.</p>
<p>At a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-press-conference-hanoi-vietnam/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">news conference late last month in Hanoi</a>, Mr. Trump was still in that mode, suggesting the evidence that North Korea was adding to its ability was ambiguous.</p>
<p>“Some people are saying that and some people aren’t,” he said.</p>
<p>But for an administration that regularly acknowledges or dismisses intelligence findings to fit the moment, North Korea has served as a comeuppance.</p>
<p>Mr. Trump’s aides have been forced to back away from his <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/1006837823469735936?lang=en" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">now famous tweet,</a> issued soon after the Singapore meeting, that “there is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea.” As long as the threat remains, they now say, so will American-led sanctions against Pyongyang.</p>
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<p>On Thursday, a senior administration official told reporters that the United States remained open to continuing discussions with North Korea. But the official asserted that sanctions would not be lifted until all the threats were removed — which he defined as the North’s entire nuclear program, complex of road-mobile missiles and chemical and biological weapons programs.</p>
<p>That is a far broader demand than the Trump administration has previously detailed in public, and was at the core of the collapse of the discussions in Hanoi.</p>
<p>Mr. Kim had offered to close an aging nuclear plant at Yongbyon in exchange for the lifting of some of the toughest sanctions imposed on North Korea. To his surprise, Mr. Kim was told that the United States would not lift all sanctions until the North surrendered its entire weapons program.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A satellite image taken this week showing the Sohae satellite launch site in North Korea.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Airbus Defence & Space and 38 North, via Associated Press</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>By all accounts, Mr. Kim believed Mr. Trump was desperate for a deal and would accept a more gradual approach — a partial disarmament leading to partial sanctions relief. Unable to bridge the gap, they walked away, though Mr. Trump insisted they agreed to continue talking. No further negotiations have been scheduled.</p>
<p>North Korea, for its part, is using its continued production of nuclear material to pressure Mr. Trump — making clear its ability to pose a threat will only grow unless the United States eases its demands.</p>
<p>“For all the talk, nothing has really changed,” said Victor Cha, whom Mr. Trump considered appointing as American ambassador to South Korea. “They are playing the same old game of putting pressure on the U.S.”</p>
<p>The White House and State Department say that is not the case. The continued moratorium on nuclear and missile tests, officials said, has slowed Mr. Kim’s progress and kept him from demonstrating that North Korea could launch a warhead that could hit an American city.</p>
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<p>Some independent analysts agree with the Trump administration’s rationale, but worry the moratorium may be coming to an end.</p>
<p>North Korea’s satellite launching site at Sohae, on the Yellow Sea, offers a case study in the deep ambiguity of the dismantlement and denuclearization claims by both sides.</p>
<p>The site is important because the North has test-fired powerful rocket engines there on a giant experiment stand and, at the nearby launching pad, successfully cast two satellites into space. The United States has declared that space launches violate the commitment that Mr. Kim made to Mr. Trump in Singapore, and later to President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, to suspend all missile and nuclear tests.</p>
<p>Modern and comfortable, with a high observation station, the site represents the jewel of North Korea’s rocket agenda. <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.38north.org/2016/04/schilling041116/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Analysts say</a> the engine test stand played a major role in developing the fiery thrust for the North’s intercontinental ballistic missiles, whose repeated launchings in 2017 terrified the world.</p>
<p>In June, after the summit meeting in Singapore, Mr. Trump declared that Mr. Kim had told him the North was “already destroying” the sprawling site. “That’s a big thing,” <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/press-conference-president-trump/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">he told reporters</a>. “The site is going to be destroyed very soon.”</p>
<p>Challenged by reporters about the North’s past record of broken promises, Mr. Trump added: “Honestly, I think he’s going to do these things. I may be wrong. I mean, I may stand before you in six months and say, ‘Hey, I was wrong.’”</p>
<p>“I don’t know that I’ll ever admit that,” he said with a smile, “but I’ll find some kind of an excuse.”</p>
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<p>That enthusiasm proved premature. For the next eight months, analysts poring over satellite images of the densely wooded site at Sohae <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.38north.org/2018/08/sohae082218/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">found little evidence</a> of dismantlement. No major structures were changed, destroyed or disassembled.</p>
<p>Instead, the images showed the opposite: evidence that North Korea was completing work on an extensive building complex next to the launching pad at Sohae. Rather than disassemble the site, as Mr. Kim had promised, it was expanding.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A TV broadcast in Seoul, the South Korean capital, this week after the nation’s spy agency said it detected signs that the North was rebuilding its Sohae satellite launch site.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Jeon Heon-Kyun/EPA, via Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>“We all watched it go up and kept wondering, ‘What is it?’” recalled Jenny Town, a senior official at <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.38north.org/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">38 North</a>, a research project and website of the Stimson Center, a Washington think tank, which tracks political and technical developments in North Korea.</p>
<p>They are still wondering. No one is certain about the purpose of the structure — or if it has an intent other than to stoke fear in the United States.</p>
<p>This past week, 38 North and Beyond Parallel reported that reconstruction at the Sohae site had greatly accelerated.</p>
<p>“Based on commercial satellite imagery, efforts to rebuild these structures started sometime between February 16 and March 2, 2019,” 38 North <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.38north.org/2019/03/sohae030519/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said in its report </a>on Tuesday.</p>
<p>The summit meeting in Hanoi began on Feb. 27 — suggesting the construction was intended to give Mr. Kim some leverage in his talks with Mr. Trump.</p>
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<p>As of Friday, administration officials were telling allies they still did not know if North Korea planned to resume missile launches at Sohae. But Mr. Trump no longer denounces news reports of expanded missile bases or revived test sites as “fake news,’’ as he did before the meeting in Hanoi.</p>
<p>In late January, the president even called in the director of national intelligence, Dan Coats, and the director of the C.I.A., Gina Haspel, to demand they pull back recent <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/29/us/politics/kim-jong-trump.html?module=inline" title="">public declarations</a> that North Korea was not likely to ever give up its entire weapons arsenal and production facilities.</p>
<p>Two days later, Mr. Trump said the problem lay not in the intelligence officials’ testimony <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/01/31/politics/trump-intelligence-agencies-coats-haspel/index.html" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">but in<span class="css-8l6xbc evw5hdy0"> </span>the news coverage about it</a>. One senior official later said the deflection was “all about avoiding criticism of Kim.” The official spoke on the condition of anonymity because the president’s meeting with the intelligence chiefs was intended to be private.</p>
<p>Ms. Town said the satellite site expansion and rebuilding at Sohae reminded her of a similar episode at the Yongbyon nuclear research center, the main known site for the processing of fuel for nuclear weapons.</p>
<p>Last year, North Korea finished building a large facility across from Yongbyon’s experimental light water reactor. Analysts believe the reactor <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/27/world/asia/north-korea-nuclear.html?module=inline" title="">could double</a> the North’s supply of weapons-grade plutonium, producing more fuel for its nuclear arsenal.</p>
<p>“Why do that if it’s on the bargaining table?” Ms. Town said of the construction at Yongbyon, which Mr. Kim had offered to close if the United States agreed to lift sanctions. “There are a few of these cases where it could be part of a hedging strategy.”</p>
<p>Then there are the headquarters at Punggye-ri’s mountainous atomic test site — a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/04/12/world/asia/north-korea-nuclear-test.html?module=inline" title="">mile-high peak</a> full of tunnels where North Korea has set off its nuclear detonations.</p>
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<p>In November, 38 North <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.38north.org/2018/11/punggye110918/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">analysts reported</a> that, contrary to reports of the site’s destruction and abandonment, the two largest buildings at Punggye-ri’s command center remained intact, as did nearby support facilities for personnel and security forces.</p>
<p>The lack of dismantlement, the analysts concluded, suggested that the site “may only be mothballed, with reactivation possible.”</p>
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<p>David E. Sanger reported from Washington, and William J. Broad from New York.</p> </div>
<div>A version of this article appears in print on <!-- -->, on Page <!-- -->A<!-- -->4<!-- --> of the New York edition<!-- --> with the headline: <!-- -->Kim’s Arms Buildup a Comeuppance for Trump<span>. <a href="http://www.nytreprints.com/">Order Reprints</a> | <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/todayspaper/index.html">Today’s Paper</a> | <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/subscriptions/Multiproduct/lp8HYKU.html?campaignId=48JQY">Subscribe</a></span>
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<div><h1>Chinese Entrepreneur Takes On the System, and Drops Out of Sight</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Zhao Faqi, 52, hoped to strike it rich when in 2003 he signed a government contract for coal exploration rights. Then the government tore up the deal. He fought back, and now he has vanished.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Giulia Marchi for The New York Times</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/chris-buckley" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Chris Buckley</span></a></p></div></div>
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<li><time>March 9, 2019</time></li>
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<p>YULIN, China — For months, Zhao Faqi was a folk hero for entrepreneurs in China — an investor who fought the government in court and online, and against the odds, seemed poised to win. He accused officials of stealing his rights to coal-rich land, and ignited a furor by accusing China’s most powerful judge of corruption.</p>
<p>Now, Mr. Zhao has dropped out of sight — and the authorities want to erase his story.</p>
<p>For much of the winter, Mr. Zhao’s case was the subject of avid discussion on Chinese social media, and his supporters saw it as a test of whether the president and Communist Party leader, Xi Jinping, would support the troubled private sector against grasping officials.</p>
<p>Now, as the Communist Party-controlled legislature gathers for its annual meeting in Beijing, it seems the authorities have decided that investors like Mr. Zhao spell trouble.</p>
<p>The state news media has painted him as a cunning schemer. A judge who supported his case was paraded on television. A crusading former talk show host who helped bring the case to light has fallen silent.</p>
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<p>Mr. Zhao’s arc from self-declared victim to officially designated villain has been dramatic even for China, where the party controls the courts and businesspeople can abruptly fall from grace. Mr. Zhao’s descent — and possible disappearance — is a demonstration of the hazards that entrepreneurs face in taking on powerful Chinese officials.</p>
<p>“I’ve faced a lot of risks and pressure because of this lawsuit,” Mr. Zhao said in an interview in Beijing a few weeks before he disappeared. Chinese entrepreneurs, he said, yearned for the rule of law to replace arbitrary power. “You can’t say someone is protected one day, and take away protection the next day.”</p>
<p>Mr. Zhao drew support from liberal economists and lawyers who have been unsettled by Mr. Xi’s reverence for communist tradition and support for state-owned companies, which he has urged to grow “stronger, better and bigger.”</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">President Xi Jinping had kindled expectations that he would be a friend of the private sector, but his talk of reform has often been drowned out by calls to strengthen government-led industry programs.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Wang Zhao/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>The gloom prompted Mr. Xi to publicly reassure the private sector <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/leaders/2018-10/26/c_1123617813.htm" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">at least three times</a> in a month that the leadership remained committed to its success. In early November, he also took the rare step of admitting that the government had gone too far.</p>
<p>“It should be acknowledged that the private sector is experiencing difficulties that are real, and even quite severe,” Mr. Xi <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://jhsjk.people.cn/article/30377329?isindex=1" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said at a meeting</a> with more than 50 selected businesspeople. “Private businesses and businesspeople are one of us.”</p>
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<p>Such reassurances may now mean little to Mr. Zhao.</p>
<p>A former soldier, Mr. Zhao went into business after quitting his job for a supplies company in 1991. He made his fortune as a construction contractor and later plowed his earnings into the mining investment.</p>
<p>Mr. Zhao, 52, was among the entrepreneurs who plunged into business after Deng Xiaoping, then China’s paramount leader, unleashed market overhauls. At the time, Mr. Zhao said, entrepreneurs were like famished goats set free from a pen and allowed to flourish.</p>
<p>“But we’re seeing this vitality steadily shrink,” he said.</p>
<p>Since 2005, he has been fighting for the right to explore more than 100 square miles of sandy, scrub-covered land on the fringe of Yulin, a coal-rich city in Shaanxi Province. After initial surveys indicated that the land was abundant in coal, the mining institute that had sold an 80 percent share of exploration rights to Mr. Zhao’s company canceled the contract, citing government orders.</p>
<p>Mr. Zhao waged a legal fight that took him all the way to China’s top court, the Supreme People’s Court.</p>
<p>His chances of victory seemed slim. In China, judges answer to the party. While courts have greater autonomy than before in business disputes, they often rule in favor of officials and their allies.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Zhou Qiang, chief justice and president of the Supreme People’s Court of China, bowing to Mr. Xi, second from right in the middle row, during a meeting of China’s legislature in Beijing last year.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Damir Sagolj/Reuters</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>Still, in late 2017, the Supreme People’s Court <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://wenshu.court.gov.cn/content/content?DocID=70f7dbdd-4cf6-43d7-b649-abeff5e11111&KeyWord=%5F%5F%5F" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ruled</a> that Mr. Zhao’s contract was valid.</p>
<p>But officials made no effort to enforce the ruling.</p>
<p>Then, late last year, something unusual happened.</p>
<p>Cui Yongyuan, a former Chinese television talk show host with a massive internet following, took up Mr. Zhao’s cause, fueling an uproar in the Chinese news media, which was largely sympathetic.</p>
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<p>Mr. Cui said that files from the case had vanished from the Supreme People’s Court. He also revealed that a disgruntled judge on the court, Wang Linqing, claimed that China’s top judge, Zhou Qiang, tried to ensure that judges did not rule in Mr. Zhao’s favor.</p>
<p>Mr. Cui <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JLyCSpo9_EA&t=89s" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">shared</a> excerpts from interviews with Judge Wang on Sina Weibo, a social media service where he has <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://weibo.com/cuiyongyuan?is_hot=1" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nearly 20 million followers</a>. The judge anxiously described how files from Mr. Zhao’s case had vanished from his office.</p>
<p>“This is something that I never imagined would happen,” Judge Wang said in one of the excerpts.</p>
<p>When the Supreme People’s Court acknowledged a problem and party investigators opened a high-level inquiry, Mr. Zhao was cautiously hopeful.</p>
<p>“It’s progress toward the rule of law,” Mr. Zhao said in an interview at the time. “But the outcome is unclear.”</p>
<p>Mr. Zhao was right to be cautious. Earlier this month, the government released the findings from the investigation, and they were damning for him and his supporters.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-1l44abu e1xdpqjp0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">A disused mine entry on the disputed land on the rural fringe of Yulin, a coal-rich city in Shaanxi Province, where Mr. Zhao’s company had exploration rights.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="css-vuqh7u e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span>Chris Buckley/The New York Times</span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>The investigators said that Judge Wang himself had spirited away the missing case files. A report aired on official Chinese television showed him confessing that he had nursed grudges against more senior judges and tried to take revenge by stealing the files to create an embarrassing scandal.</p>
<p>“I offer my heartfelt apologies to the many internet users” who followed the case, Judge Wang said. “My behavior amounted to swindling their well-meaning hearts.”</p>
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<p>Supporters said that they were worried that Mr. Zhao and Judge Wang’s real offense was rocking the political boat. They were especially shocked that Judge Wang was shown on television avowing himself guilty of breaking the law even before a formal investigation by the police, joining the ranks of dissidents and rights lawyers who have been <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/11/world/asia/china-forced-confessions-propaganda.html?module=inline" title="">forced to record scripted confessions</a> while in detention.</p>
<p>“The official reports are full of problems, and the biggest one is how Judge Wang Linqing was made to confess on television,” said <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://english.unirule.cloud/people/2017-03-03/345.html" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sheng Hong</a>, executive director of the Unirule Institute of Economics, a think tank in Beijing that backs market liberalization and previously held a forum about Mr. Zhao’s case.</p>
<p>Since the findings were released, Mr. Zhao’s phone has been turned off, and he appears to have gone into hiding or official custody. Judge Wang faces a criminal investigation and a likely prison sentence.</p>
<p>The supreme court, Ministry of Public Security and other government offices did not answer questions about whether Mr. Zhao was detained, and his family could not be reached. Zhou Qiang, the top judge whom Mr. Zhao accused of corruption, has attended the legislative meeting in Beijing, apparently unshaken by the accusations.</p>
<p>Still, Chinese lawyers have said online that the findings in the official report defied logic. Was it believable, they asked, that Judge Wang turned on his superiors because he did not want to do overtime one night, as the report had claimed? It also failed to address in detail Judge Wang’s claims of being repeatedly intimidated by senior judges, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="http://news.mingjingnews.com/2019/02/blog-post_244.html" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">critics said online</a>.</p>
<p>“From the viewpoint of common sense, many things about this are just hard to swallow,” said Liu Xiaoyuan, a human rights lawyer. “But it’s also shocking to think that a high-level investigation like this would just make all this up.”</p>
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<p>Zoe Mou contributed research in Beijing.</p> </div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">The Briton Tom Ballard, 30, right, and the Italian Daniele Nardi, 42, had attempted to scale Nanga Parbat in winter several times.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>B.K. Bangash/Associated Press</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/gaia-pianigiani" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Gaia Pianigiani</span></a></p></div></div>
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<li><time>March 9, 2019</time></li>
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<p>ROME — Italy’s ambassador to Pakistan on Saturday announced the deaths of two climbers, one British and one Italian, who had been missing for weeks while climbing Nanga Parbat in Pakistan, the world’s ninth-highest mountain.</p>
<p>The ambassador, Stefano Pontecorvo, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/pontecorvoste/status/1104365344733446144?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Etweet" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">wrote on Twitter</a> that “the silhouettes” of the climbers, Tom Ballard, 30, of Britain and Daniele Nardi, 42, of Italy had been spotted at about 5,900 meters (about 19,000 feet) on the mountain. “R.I.P.,” Mr. Pontecorvo said, and expressed “great sadness” at the discovery.</p>
<p>Mr. Pontecorvo said that the team of another European climber, Alex Txikon, had partly flown over the mountain and partly climbed it, and had recognized the two bodies by telescope.</p>
<p>Pakistani Army helicopters had searched the mountain for days, sometimes obstructed by bad winter weather and delayed when a military confrontation flared between India and Pakistan and the Pakistani airspace was closed.</p>
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<p>The men began climbing last month, and soon after they reached a little over 20,000 feet in late February, their teams and family <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/28/world/asia/uk-climber-nanga-parbat-mountain.html?module=inline" title="">lost contact with them.</a></p>
<p>Mr. Nardi’s team said that the first Pakistani helicopter that flew over the men’s last-known location four days later could not see any traces of the two climbers. The search efforts continued until Saturday, when the reconnaissance mission ended.</p>
<p>It was not immediately clear if officials planned an attempt to retrieve the bodies.</p>
<p>Nanga Parbat, also known among climbers as the “killer mountain,” was an extremely perilous mission. But both climbers were experienced. The British news media called Mr. Ballard the “King of the Alps.”</p>
<p>Mr. Ballard and Mr. Nardi decided to scale the most direct route to the summit of Nanga Parbat — one that had never been completed. In a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.montane.co.uk/blog/2018/12/tom-ballard-winter-nanga-parbat-arbat/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">press statement</a> announcing their mission, Mr. Ballard’s sponsor, the British outdoor clothing brand Montane, said that “if successful, Tom will be one of the few mountaineers in the world to summit a +8000m peak in winter.”</p>
<p>Mr. Ballard’s mother was Alison Hargreaves, the first woman to scale Mount Everest alone. <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/14/obituaries/overlooked-alison-hargreaves.html?module=inline" title="">She died in 1995 at age 33 on K2</a> in Pakistan, when a snowstorm hit her and her team as they were descending from the summit.</p>
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<p>Mr. Nardi, who was from a town near Rome, had attempted to climb Nanga Parbat in the winter four times without success. He called himself the “first alpinist to be born under the Po river,” in northern Italy, and “to have reached the summit of the Everest and the K2.”</p>
<p>His friends described him as scrupulous to the tiniest detail.</p>
<p>Mr. Nardi’s relatives, who have expressed their pain on social media, thanked the search-and-rescue team, the Italian and Pakistani authorities and anyone who had collaborated on the search for their tireless efforts in the past weeks.</p>
<p>In a <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.facebook.com/danielenardialpinista/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Facebook post</a>, they repeated Mr. Nardi’s words: “I’d like to be remembered as a man who tried to do something incredible, impossible, but didn’t give up and if I won’t return I’d like to give a message to my son: Don’t stop, don’t give up, do your thing because the world needs better people to make peace a reality and not just an idea.”</p>
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<div>A version of this article appears in print on <!-- -->, on Page <!-- -->A<!-- -->10<!-- --> of the New York edition<!-- --> with the headline: <!-- -->Climbers’ Bodies Spotted On Mountain in Pakistan <span>. <a href="http://www.nytreprints.com/">Order Reprints</a> | <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/pages/todayspaper/index.html">Today’s Paper</a> | <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/subscriptions/Multiproduct/lp8HYKU.html?campaignId=48JQY">Subscribe</a></span>
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<div><h1>Trump Envoy to Middle East Lashes Out at Palestinian Authority</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Jason D. Greenblatt, a leading Middle East peace negotiator for the Trump administration, accused Palestinian leaders on Friday of maintaining a “reward system” for terrorists.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Jaafar Ashtiyeh/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/by/michael-schwirtz" class="css-1riqqik e1jsehar0"><span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">Michael Schwirtz</span></a></p></div></div>
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<li><time>March 8, 2019</time></li>
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<p>One of President Trump’s lead Middle East peace negotiators lashed out at the Palestinian Authority on Friday, accusing it of institutionalizing support for terrorism amid a dispute over Israeli tax transfers that make up a significant portion of Palestinian revenues.</p>
<p>Under longstanding accords, Israel makes monthly transfers to the Palestinian Authority from certain taxes it collects related to Palestinians. Last month, Israel announced a freeze on about 5 percent of the tax payout, as punishment for the Palestinian Authority’s policy of paying stipends to Palestinian prisoners in Israel and to the families of Palestinians killed or wounded in confrontations with Israelis.</p>
<p>In response, and despite the <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/11/world/middleeast/israel-gaza-hamas-palestinian-authority-abbas.html?module=inline" title="">authority’s financial problems</a>, the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, rejected the full tax transfer and vowed to continue to pay the stipends.</p>
<p>On Friday, the Trump administration’s Middle East envoy, Jason D. Greenblatt, accused Palestinian leaders of offering the stipends as a reward for acts of terrorism.</p>
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<p>“If your citizens were being routinely attacked by terrorists, which of you would tolerate a reward system that compensated the attackers for their crimes?” he wrote <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/jdgreenblatt45/status/1104100866137690114" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">in one tweet</a>. “How can we possibly censure Israel for taking the same stance?”</p>
<p>Mr. Greenblatt was in New York on Friday for discussions on the dispute in a closed-door session of the United Nations Security Council, which apparently failed to break the impasse.</p>
<p>Mansour al-Otaibi, Kuwait’s ambassador to the United Nations, told reporters after the session that most members of the Security Council “overwhelmingly” considered the Israeli decision “unacceptable.”</p>
<p>“This is Palestinian money,” he said. “They have the right, the Palestinians, to do whatever they want with their money.”</p>
<p>The tax revenues are generated from the earnings of Palestinian day laborers and merchants who do business in Israel, and from customs duties on Palestinian imports through Israeli ports. But the payouts, which some critics have dubbed a “pay to slay” policy, have long been a source of controversy in Israel.</p>
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<p>In July, the Israeli Knesset, or Parliament, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/03/world/middleeast/israel-penalizes-palestinians-for-payments-to-prisoners-and-martyrs.html?module=inline" title="">approved legislation</a> that would allow the government to withhold a portion of the tax revenue, which makes up about 7 percent of the Palestinian Authority’s annual budget.</p>
<p>The Palestinian Authority’s refusal to accept any of the revenues only adds to its financial woes. It was already struggling after a decision last year by the Trump administration <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/31/us/politics/trump-unrwa-palestinians.html?module=inline" title="">to cut funding</a> for a United Nations agency that provides assistance to millions of Palestinians.</p>
<p>The Trump administration’s hard-line tactics have been led by the president’s son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner, in an effort to force Palestinians to return to the negotiating table and drop many of their longstanding demands. Such discussions have largely been paused while Mr. Kushner and Mr. Greenblatt put the finishing touches on <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/26/us/politics/kushner-middle-east-peace.html?module=inline" title="">a long-awaited peace plan</a>.</p>
<p>Their eventual proposal, however, could be dead on arrival: The Palestinian Authority has refused to discuss the plan with American negotiators, in protest over the Trump administration’s decision in December 2017 to <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/06/world/middleeast/trump-jerusalem-israel-capital.html?module=inline" title="">formally recognize Jerusalem </a>as Israel’s capital and move the United States Embassy there from Tel Aviv.</p>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">The landmark case about female genital cutting was heard in the Central Criminal Court in London. The practice has been illegal in Britain since 1985.</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Niklas Halle'N/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<div><div><p>By<!-- --> <span class="css-1baulvz" itemprop="name">The Associated Press</span></p></div></div>
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<li><time>March 9, 2019</time></li>
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<p>LONDON — A British court has sentenced a 37-year-old Ugandan woman to 11 years in prison for the genital cutting of her 3-year-old daughter, after a landmark conviction last month.</p>
<p>The judge on Friday sentenced the woman, who last month became the first person in Britain to be convicted of the crime, to 11 years for the cutting and two years for possession of extreme pornography. She has not been identified in order to protect her child’s identity.</p>
<p>The woman had pleaded not guilty, saying that her daughter had suffered an accidental injury in August 2017. But jurors at London’s Central Criminal Court concluded that the girl had been cut deliberately.</p>
<p>The girl was taken to a hospital and lost a significant amount of blood because of her injuries, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-47094707" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">according to the BBC</a>.</p>
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<p>The judge, Philippa Whipple, said the woman was guilty of child abuse. “It’s a barbaric practice and a serious crime,” she said. “It’s an offense which targets women, particularly inflicted when they are young and vulnerable.”</p>
<p>The girl’s father, 43, had been cleared of charges.</p>
<p>Female genital cutting has been illegal in Britain since 1985, but previous prosecutions have led to acquittals. At least <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/female-genital-mutilation/" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">200 million survivors</a> of the practice worldwide live with the scars of mutilation, according to the World Health Organization.</p>
<p>Aisha K. Gill, a professor of criminology at the University of Roehampton, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/01/world/europe/female-genital-mutilation-conviction-britain.html?module=inline" title="">had called the British case “landmark,”</a> adding, “We need to see that the law will be operational and effective to enable victims to come forward when necessary.”</p>
<p>Britain’s Parliament is considering <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://services.parliament.uk/bills/2017-19/childrenact1989amendmentfemalegenitalmutilation.html" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">an amendment</a> to the Children Act of 1989 that would give the authorities greater powers to protect girls from genital cutting before cases go to trial.</p>
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<h2>British Jury Delivers First Conviction for Female Genital Cutting</h2>
<time>Feb. 1, 2019</time>
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<div><h1>Iran Envoy Rejects U.K. Diplomatic Protection for Detained Dual Citizen</h1></div>
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<figcaption itemprop="caption description" class="css-17ai7jg emkp2hg0"><span class="css-8i9d0s e13ogyst0">Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe</span><span itemprop="copyrightHolder" class="emkp2hg2 css-1nwzsjy e1z0qqy90"><span class="css-1ly73wi e1tej78p0">Credit</span><span><span class="css-1dv1kvn">Credit</span><span>Family handout, via Press Association, via Associated Press</span></span></span></figcaption></figure></div>
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<p>TEHRAN, Iran — A top Iranian diplomat has rejected Britain’s decision to give diplomatic protection to a British-Iranian woman who has been detained in Iran for nearly three years, saying it contravenes international law.</p>
<p>British officials have said that Iran has failed to meet international obligations in its treatment of the woman, Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, and offered her diplomatic protection this past week.</p>
<p>The British foreign secretary, Jeremy Hunt, said this meant that the country no longer regarded her case as simply a consular matter and had raised it to the level of a legal dispute between Britain and Iran.</p>
<p>But the Iranian ambassador to Britain, Hamid Baeidinejad, said <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://twitter.com/baeidinejad/status/1103790207114063872" title="" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">in a post on Twitter</a> on Friday that Iran did not regard Ms. Zaghari-Ratcliffe as British.</p>
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<p>“UK Govt’s extension of diplomatic protection to Ms Zaghari contravenes int’l law. Govts may only exercise such protection for own nationals. As UK Govt is acutely aware, Iran does not recognize dual nationality,” he wrote. “Irrespective of UK residency, Ms Zaghari thus remains Iranian.”</p>
<p>Ms. Zaghari-Ratcliffe, who works for the Thomson Reuters Foundation, was arrested in April 2016 while traveling on vacation with her toddler daughter in Iran. She was given a five-year prison sentence for what the Iranians called plotting the “soft toppling” of its government.</p>
<p>The sentence has been widely criticized.</p>
<p>In 2017, Boris Johnson, then the British foreign secretary, <a class="css-1g7m0tk" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/06/world/middleeast/britain-iran-boris-johnson-zaghari-ratcliffe.html?module=inline" title="">was accused of making matters worse</a> by erroneously saying she had been “simply teaching people journalism” Days later, Ms. Zaghari-Ratcliffe was taken to a new court hearing, where Mr. Johnson’s words were cited as evidence that she had been engaged in “propaganda against the regime.”</p>
<p>In 2018, she was granted a three-day furlough to see her young daughter and other relatives, but was returned to prison, where her family said sent her into an emotional tailspin. She later went on a hunger strike.</p>
<p>Her husband, Richard Ratcliffe, welcomed the offer of diplomatic protection on Friday, saying it could lead to a resolution of her case within months.</p>
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<p>“It changes the status for Nazanin’s case,” Mr. Ratcliffe told BBC radio. “Now it’s also the British government’s case and all the injustices that happen to Nazanin are effectively injustices against the British government.”</p>
<p>He said the top priority was to have a doctor see his wife to provide urgent medical care.</p>
<p>“A couple of months ago she went on hunger strike because she wasn’t getting any treatment, and was promised it but it didn’t happen, so she got very low again recently,” Mr. Ratcliffe said. “I’m sure this will give her a big lift.”</p>
<p>The Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of the Reuters news agency, issued a statement on Friday welcoming Mr. Hunt’s action on providing diplomatic protection to Ms. Zaghari-Ratcliffe.</p>
<p>“This is an important step that has not been used in the U.K. in 150 years,” the statement said. “We renew our plea for the Iranian authorities to release Nazanin as soon as possible.”</p>
<p>The British government has long been seeking her release without success.</p>
<p>Mr. Hunt said that legal proceedings against Ms. Zaghari-Ratcliffe in Iran were deficient and that she had been denied proper access to health professionals.</p>
<p>“It’s not a magic wand; it’s not going to solve things overnight; but it does create a different legal and political context,” he said of Britain’s decision to offer diplomatic protection.</p>
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<h2>Briton Arrested in Iran in 2016 Is Given 3-Day Furlough to See Family</h2>
<time>Aug. 23, 2018</time>
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<h2>Boris Johnson Leaves Iran With Fate of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe Unclear</h2>
<time>Dec. 10, 2017</time>
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<h2>U.K. Foreign Secretary Regrets Remarks on Briton Imprisoned in Iran</h2>
<time>Nov. 13, 2017</time>
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